Among the many consequences of the breathless media coverage of China as the new global superpower is the diminishing attention that Tibet seems to get. Reporting on grand economic plans like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) largely caters to geopolitical or macroeconomic interests, rarely delving into the particulars of places like Tibet that also feature in the scheme.
The expanding reach of Chinese money and power has seen both triumphalist as well as critical reporting around the world. But how is Tibet responding to these shifts in the region's political economy? In this interview, Tsering Shakya, a leading historian of Tibet, talks to us about its place in the BRI, some of Tibet's most exciting dissident individuals and why anthropologists of Tibet should read more history.
Himal Southasian: While Tibet is often touted as China's bridge to Southasia, the country's vision for the Belt and Road Initiative views Tibet mainly as a link to Nepal, assigning the chief responsibility of connecting Southasia to the Yunnan Province. In that context, how do you assess Tibet's place in the BRI framework?
Tsering Shakya: There are some imperatives that place Tibet within the core objective of the Belt and Road strategy. There is a growing disparity in development between the coastal regions, and Tibet and the Western provinces; they remain the poorest in all economic and social indices. Tibet's economy has mostly depended on state subsidies. Under the Western Development project, initiated by President Hu Jintao, China has focused on developing infrastructure, roads, railway and power supply to facilitate the industrialisation of the area. China sees this as a way of addressing inequalities between the regions. This unequal development – and the geographical, cultural and ethnic divide between rest of China and Tibet (and other areas with minority groups) – is seen as accentuating local nationalisms, manifesting in incidents like protests.