The recent changes in the Tibetan government-in-exile have taken place so quickly that most in the diaspora have not had the time to digest the implications or the reasons for their provenance in the first place. A far-sighted and bold initiative by the Dalai Lama to decisively impose the responsibilities of democracy on the diaspora ended up demonstrating, once again, the inherent limitations to such a move in the Tibetan context.
Ever since coming into exile in 1959, the Dalai Lama has tirelessly promoted democracy, and the initiative to reorganise the government-in-exile along democratic principles was his. The Tibetan people in exile were essentially handed democracy on a plate when, in fact, most were quite content to continue the age-old tradition of theocratic rule. For years, the Dalai Lama stated that he believed religion and politics should be kept separate, that the best form of governance was secular democracy. It was only a matter of time that he would take this process to its logical conclusion. Earlier this year, on 14 March, he formally announced that he wished to devolve all political authority and asked the Tibetan Parliament to make the necessary amendments to the Charter of the Tibetan People in Exile.
In his statement to the Parliament, the Dalai Lama made a strong case for the desirability of a democratic society, stating, 'One-man rule is both anachronistic and undesirable.' He further noted: 'If we have to remain in exile for several more decades, a time will inevitably come when I will no longer be able to provide leadership. Therefore, it is necessary that we establish a sound system of governance while I remain able and healthy, in order that the exile Tibetan administration can become self-reliant rather than being dependent on the Dalai Lama.' This was visionary thinking, a clear recognition of the very real possibility that the Tibet issue might not be resolved in his lifetime – and the need to prepare. It was also a confirmation of the Dalai Lama's belief that, in the long term, a strong and functioning democracy in exile would provide the most effective means of continuing the Tibet struggle.
The Parliament's immediate response was an emotional one, to request the Dalai Lama to reconsider and continue in his current capacity. But he was firm in his position, and so a five-member Charter Redrafting Committee, which included Speaker Penpa Tsering and current kalon tripa (prime minister) Samdhong Rinpoche, was formed to come up with a draft proposal to incorporate the relevant amendments. When the draft proposal was released, in May, it began by stating that the Dalai Lama, as the 'human manifestation of Avalokitesvara', was the 'guardian and protector', the 'supreme leader' and the 'symbol of the Tibetan identity and unity'. This in itself was confusing. Was there room in a democratic charter for such an expression of religious faith, even if it did broadly mirror the people's sentiments?