The suspension of Delhi University Vice Chancellor Yogesh Tyagi on 28 October 2020 over allegations of 'dereliction of duty' has thrown light on the extent of political intervention in India's largest public universities. Following Tyagi's suspension, Kolkata-based English-language daily The Telegraph published a timeline revealing that Tyagi was the tenth vice chancellor of a central university to be suspended, dismissed, forced to resign or sent on punishment leave in the last five years. This further reveals the customary pattern of government intervention in educational institution's autonomy.
Tyagi's suspension and the continued differences between Vice Chancellor and Pro Vice Chancellor PC Joshi has been opposed by many, including the Delhi University Teachers Association which questioned "Is this is about justice for the teachers and the University or part of the muscle flexing being witnessed over the last week or so?" Similar questions about educational freedom and political invasions in India's academia have been raised after the death of Rohith Vemula at the Hyderabad Central University (HCU), followed by the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) protests in 2016, which resulted in sedition charges levelled against some students, and more recently, after the attacks on Jamia Milia Islamia University and Aligarh Muslim University in December 2019.
According to a 2020 report by the Berlin-based Global Public Policy Institute, which compiles a global dataset on academic freedom in countries around the world, India registered a low score of 0.352 out of 1 in the Academic Freedom Index (AFI), which placed it among the 30 countries with the lowest AFI score. Remarkably, the figure for India dipped by 0.1 points over the past five years. Though the report is not the ultimate benchmark of academic freedom, it is definitely suggestive of the environment of these countries in ways that are important to study.
While the AFI score takes contemporary events into account, India's low scores are not a direct consequence of these events alone. The areas in which India has not fared well, including institutional autonomy, campus integrity and constitutional protection of academic freedom, clearly indicate an array of structural faults in its academic machinery. If India hopes to address its current state of academia, it would need to look beyond contemporary politics and reexamine the institutional history of its governance since the very year it gained autonomy – 1947.