Those who speak do not know, those who know are silent,
I heard this saying from the old gentleman.
If the old gentleman was one who knew the way,
Why did he feel able to write five thousand words?
– Tang Dynasty Chinese poet Bai Juyi in Reading Laozi
In the parliamentary elections of the largest democracy in the world, international relations have seldom been on the agenda of political contestations. Despite heated debates over operational details, there is a consensus among non-left parties in New Delhi that the Nehru Creed, which assumes the role of successor state of British Empire in Southasia, has to continue as the bedrock of Indian foreign policy. This is an assumption that confers secondary status to other states born out of British India. No wonder, then, that Bhutan is the most trustworthy friend India has in the region; and that too because South Block is entrusted with the responsibility of directing foreign affairs of the royal government in Thimphu. But mention China, and eyes light up with expectations from Kathmandu to Colombo – in every capital city of the Subcontinent except New Delhi.
Apart from contested versions of histories of anti-colonial struggles and independence movements, differing perceptions over security, sovereignty and self-respect sometimes come in the way of India's relations with its neighbours. Former UK Prime Minister Harold Wilson once said that a week was a long time in politics; and indeed, one only needs to look at constantly evolving alliances in New Delhi to realise how confusing are the signals it sends out into the neighbourhood. Empires, however, are run on the assumption that they are going to be around forever. For its part, China has successfully maintained its imperial countenance despite seismic changes in its polity.